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<text id=94TT1510>
<title>
Nov. 07, 1994: Education:History, The Sequel
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1994
Nov. 07, 1994 Mad as Hell
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
EDUCATION, Page 64
History, The Sequel
</hdr>
<body>
<p> A controversial new set of recommendations generates a debate
on what's important about America's past
</p>
<p>By John Elson--Reported by Ratu Kamlani/New York
</p>
<p> "Knowledge of history is the precondition of political intelligence.
Without history, a society shares no common memory of where
it has been ((or)) what its core values are."
</p>
<p> So, laudably, write the authors of National Standards for United
States History, a federally funded curriculum guide that was
issued last week with impressive auspices--and amid swirling
controversy. The 271-page document outlines what students in
three grade groupings (five to six, seven to eight, nine to
12) should know about the American past. The guide compartmentalizes
U.S. history into 10 eras, from the beginnings until 1620 to
contemporary America, and proposes two to four "standards" of
what students should know about each period. National Standards
will be submitted to an independent board for approval. The
proceedings are all part of congressional legislation that set
up Goals 2000, a program designed to ensure that students advancing
to higher grades will have shown competence in certain subjects,
including history.
</p>
<p> This ambitious guide was released by the National Center for
History in the Schools at UCLA and has the backing of such prestigious
organizations as the American Federation of Teachers, the National
Council for the Social Studies and the National Education Association.
The National Endowment for the Humanities and the U.S. Department
of Education provided a $1.75 million grant in 1992 that got
the work under way.
</p>
<p> But how well was that seed money spent? Poorly, says Lynne Cheney,
who headed the NEH when the grant was approved. She is the most
prominent of conservative critics who charge that National Standards
offers what Cheney calls "a warped view of American history"
and that its criteria for including or excluding landmark events
and persons are "politically correct to a fare-thee-well"
For example, Harriet Tubman, the African American who helped
organize the pre-Civil War underground railroad, is cited six
times in the guide, whereas Lincoln's Gettysburg Address is
mentioned only once in passing. Students are expected to know
about the 1848 Seneca Falls, New York, convention on women's
rights (mentioned nine times) but not about the uncited Wright
brothers or Thomas Alva Edison, whose inventions transformed
the lives of millions. McCarthyism dominates the National Standards
precis of the cold war.
</p>
<p> Charlotte Crabtree, an emeritus professor of education at UCLA
and co-director of the National Standards project, answers that
Cheney's by-the-numbers critique shows "a lack of understanding
of what the standards are about." One aim of the guidelines
is to promote "inclusive history" by acknowledging the achievements
of Americans--blacks, Native Americans and women, notably--who were ignored or marginalized in textbooks of the past.
Another goal was to "get away from memorizing mind-numbing names
of people, which history students just hate."
</p>
<p> Eric Foner, a professor of history at Columbia University who
has closely watched the evolution of National Standards, says,
"Pressure groups from the right demand a political correctness
of their own, but somehow the name p.c. is never applied to
them. When veterans' groups demand and succeed in changing an
exhibition, nobody cries p.c. They say these guys are reacting
against revisionism."
</p>
<p> One problem, however, is that National Standards is so insistent
on resurrecting neglected voices that it becomes guilty of what
might be called disproportionate revisionism. In a chapter on
the American Revolution, for example, the guide recommends that
students examine the lives of individuals who were "in the forefront
of the struggle for independence." Samuel Adams and Thomas Paine
are plausible candidates here. But is it unreasonable to suspect
that the writer Mercy Otis Warren is mentioned in the same breath
mainly because she was a woman?
</p>
<p> Crabtree and her colleagues note that earlier drafts of National
Standards were subjected to peer review by hundreds of scholars
and teachers as well as by focus groups that included members
of the American Historical Association. According to one member
of the policy-setting group, historian Elizabeth Fox-Genovese
of Emory University, some of these meetings became academic
combat zones. The project was "tremendously politicized by the
professional associations," she says. In general, historians
sought to de-emphasize political history while teachers were
more sympathetic about keeping it. "Probably the biggest battle
is between history and social studies. The social studies teachers
((who oppose any history requirements in lower grades)) are
a huge lobby."
</p>
<p> On Nov. 9, UCLA will issue a parallel guide to teaching world
history. Disagreements over how to treat Western European civilization
in relation to other cultures are said to have been particularly
intense. In short, the conflict over National Standards may
be only the first round in a long, bitter intellectual skirmish.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>